Research links rise in Falluja birth defects and cancers to US assault

  • Defects in newborns 11 times higher than normal
  • ‘War contaminants’ from 2004 attack could be cause

male_child_scaly_skin_syndromeA study examining the causes of a dramatic spike in birth defects in the Iraqi city of Falluja has for the first time concluded that genetic damage could have been caused by weaponry used in US assaults that took place six years ago.

The research, which will be published next week, confirms earlier estimates revealed by the Guardian of a major, unexplained rise in cancers and chronic neural-tube, cardiac and skeletal defects in newborns. The authors found that malformations are close to 11 times higher than normal rates, and rose to unprecedented levels in the first half of this year – a period that had not been surveyed in earlier reports.

The findings, which will be published in the International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, come prior to a much-anticipated World Health Organisation study of Falluja’s genetic health. They follow two alarming earlier studies, one of which found a distortion in the sex ratio of newborns since the invasion of Iraq in 2003 – a 15% drop in births of boys.

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Calamity of Iraq’s Orphans & Morality of America

Out of 4.5 million, only 459 children are in government care. About 800 orphans at the time of this report were being held in Iraqi prisons, 100 of these in American prisons, charged as terrorists, notes Dennis Loo.

[This is a slightly edited version of a talk Dennis Loo gave at a Fundraiser for Iraqi Orphans held on October 17, 2009 in Costa Mesa California.]

I want to thank the organizers of this important event. When I fly out of and back into LA, I look out the window and see the vast expanse of housing, buildings, and roads that we have here.

It always amazes me when I fly over it at night and see the lights that fill the landscape, like starry sea creatures floating on the ocean’s surface. I ask that you now picture that as you think about the dimensions of the problem of children who have been orphaned by the US’s invasion and ongoing occupation of Iraq.

If you imagine that everyone now living in the city of Los Angeles and its surrounding areas, yourself, everyone here, and every single person outside of these doors, was an orphan, and that half a million of us were in addition to being orphans, forced into living in the streets without any shelter, then you get a small idea of the magnitude of the problem for Iraqi orphans today.

According to the Iraqi Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs’ January 2008 Report, 4.5 million Iraqi children have been made orphans. Of these, only 459 orphans are in government care. I’ll say that again. Out of 4.5 million, only 459 children are in government care. 800 orphans at the time of this report were being held in Iraqi prisons, 100 of these in American prisons, charged as terrorists.

Who is better off, I wonder, those in prison or those on the streets?

What has caused this catastrophe? What has happened to the parents of these millions of orphans? What kind of disaster could have resulted in 4.5 million orphans in a country with a total population of 28 million as of 2008?

In proportion to the US population of 310 million, this would mean the equivalent of 19.3 million US orphans. That’s the size of the combined populations, all ages, of our six biggest cities, New York, LA, Chicago, Houston, Phoenix, and Philadelphia, all rendered orphans.

What would Americans think and feel if this was happening to our country and our people? How angry would we be? How tolerant would we be of our occupiers responsible for this ongoing calamity?

These are the crimes of George W. Bush, Dick Cheney, and now, of Barack Obama, who has not ended this criminal war that has resulted, and is resulting, in the violent deaths of so many people in Iraq. These are the crimes of not just these individuals, however. This political system, which these presidents and high officials represent and defend, that allows and supports this ongoing crime against Iraq and against children, is to blame.

Hundreds of these orphans, as I mentioned a few moments ago, are in prison.

Conditions for detainees, as we know, are horrendous. Most, if not all, are subjected to atrocious conditions, many being tortured. US forces, not proxies, have personally and directly murdered at least a hundred people through torture. This is death by torture, from the Bush White House that claimed throughout its eight long year stolen tenure that the US does not torture. Now the man who promised change and who just won the Nobel Peace Prize has allowed torture to continue under his watch and previously announced that some 40,000 US troops will remain indefinitely in Iraq.

This immoral war and ongoing occupation of Iraq has been responsible for the needless deaths and suffering of millions, with the death toll of over 1.2 million Iraqis and tens of thousands of US soldiers. (The 1.2 million Iraqis killed is also, by the way, corroborated by not only death certificates from most of those interviewed by the Lancet Report, but also by the 4.5 million children who have been orphaned – that is, deprived of their parents.) You might wonder why I’m saying tens of thousands of US dead.

The official death toll of US personnel in Iraq is 4,349. This 4,349 figure is, we know, low because they transport some victims out of Iraq and take them elsewhere, making the count smaller for Iraq War casualties. But the largest numbers of dead really come from suicides. According to the Veteran’s Administration itself, eighteen vets have been committing suicide every day since the US’s April 2003 invasion of Iraq. If you do the math, this means that as of now over 40,000 US service personnel have died by suicide alone since the start of this war launched by Bush and Cheney and continued under Obama.

Most people know by now that the Bush Regime’s WMD claims were a hoax, designed to provide a justification for an invasion and occupation that the neocons had been planning to carry out almost ten years before 9/11.

Most people also know by now that Bush and Cheney’s alleged links between 9/11 and Hussein were phony, although a surprising number of Americans still believe this linkage exists. They believe this in part because they were told it so many times, in part because it was their government and media that said it again and again, so it “must be true,” and in part because it’s hard to admit that what you believed to be true for so long was completely false. Admitting that you had been taken in would mean that you have to re-evaluate what you thought and supported and because these were lies by this society’s leading figures. This would mean that you would probably have to radically revise how you thought about this country. That is a hard thing for many people to do.

But coming to grips with this fundamental truth is vital. There is going to have to emerge more leaders from among the people, to join the relative handful of people (such as Cindy Sheehan) who have already stepped forward up to this point, to bring this truth again and again to people in a living, concrete, and compelling way. I say “again and again” because one event isn’t enough for most people to change their long-held attitudes.

It requires persistent work and a great deal of determination and courage to do the work that must be done. We need people to be heralds to the people, people who will not sugarcoat the reality and spread comfortable illusions but who will tirelessly bring the hard truth to people. That truth can be very difficult to stomach, but it is the truth nonetheless. Truth today is both scarce and terribly precious. Truth is inherently potent. It has the hardness of diamonds and like diamonds, can cut anything else it touches or that tries to cut it. I will talk a bit later on in this about why I’m saying that.

WMD and the linking of Hussein to 9/11, while hoaxes from the start, aren’t even the main aspect of the illegitimacy of this unprovoked aggression and ongoing occupation. They weren’t even the biggest lies.

For even if Iraq had had WMD, the US invasion of Iraq would not have been justified. The US’s invasion of Iraq, according to the UN Charter and according to Nuremberg, represents the supreme war crime: invading a country that has not first attacked you.

When you attack a country, moreover, you aren’t attacking just the government and military of that country. Modern warfare carried out by imperialist powers involves the deliberate targeting of civilians in a total war. The fact that targeting civilians is a war crime has not stopped imperialist powers from doing it. The orphaning of these kids in these massive numbers is a direct product of this government’s policies, with the collusion and cooperation of our mass media.

As Judge Robert Jackson, the US prosecutor at the Nuremberg trials of WW II war criminals, said, unprovoked aggression upon another country is the gravest war crime of all because it embodies within it all of the other war crimes, such as torture and the targeting of civilians.

Moreover, attacking a country that has not first attacked you is also the supreme war crime because if it were not prohibited, then any scoundrel, any self-serving great or small power, could claim that another country was about to attack them, thereby necessitating their pre-emptive attack. If such an argument were allowed, there would be no way to prove that it was a ruse. Allowing such a rationale would open the door wide to any and all treacherous deeds masquerading as just wars. International law would be thereby rendered moot.

As the US was everyday preparing to commit the ultimate war crime in the years before 2003, as the government and cooperative media were propagating the hoax of WMD and linking Hussein to the 9/11 plot, no major media outlet and no major political figure ever pointed out even once that unprovoked aggression was against international law. Some of us in the anti-war movement said it, over and over, but because of the blockade against truth erected by the corporate media and by the corporate parties of the GOP and the Democrats, this truth got heard by a relatively tiny number of people. Why didn’t the New York Times, the Washington Post, the Wall Street Journal and the LA Times ever utter this little fact? Why did Time, Newsweek and US News and World Report forget about this little detail? Why didn’t this make it into any of the hundreds of nightly news broadcasts on ABC, CBS or NBC? Why wasn’t this on NPR?

Had this been mentioned by even one of these esteemed outlets, what would the result of it have been? It would have made it starkly clear that the impending war was a war crime. It would have made the WMD argument much flimsier. It would have shown the government up as liars and made them look like they were overlooking an obvious matter and thus revealed them to be either stupid and ill-informed or deceitful. It would have sparked much more resistance to the war planners and it would have created a storm of controversy. Instead of a one-sided debate about whether to go to war it might have become a two-sided debate. The millions who demonstrated against the war before it began would have been given a huge weapon in the fight.

So why didn’t this happen? Why didn’t even one journalist in the major media or one public official say these simple words: you cannot attack a country that hasn’t first attacked you?

Had everyone in a position of prestige suddenly forgotten history and the law? Had Nuremberg suddenly become irrelevant? Was the UN Charter a dead letter?

The rules appear to have changed. If you watch Bill Maher on HBO you’ll know that he ends his show with a piece he calls “New Rules.” There are new rules in place in this country.

Under the old rules, there was a time when a major media outlet such as the New York Times ran a story that revealed a major government or corporate scandal, it would have been immediately picked up by other media outlets, initiated a Congressional investigation, and likely led to indictments, resignations, prosecutions, and at least talk of impeachment. This is no longer the way it works.

To illustrate:

The New Yorker Magazine is widely considered the most prestigious magazine in the country and arguably the world. The most esteemed investigative journalist we have, Seymour Hersh, ran a story called “The Redirection” in the New Yorker on March 7, 2007 in which he revealed two explosive facts: that the Bush White House had been a) funding clandestine forces in Iran against the Iranian government, and b) these forces were Sunnis, the same forces who were setting off IED’s against US forces in Iraq.

Back in 2007 the Bush regime was rattling its sabers against Iran and preparing for a military attack upon Iran, initiated either by Israel or by the US. (I believe that the attack, by the way, never happened because the financial crisis exploded before they could launch the attack, crippling their credibility and campaign for such an attack.) The express justification for a military attack on Iran was that Iran was funding Sunni forces that were killing American soldiers in Iraq. Nuclear capability was also floated as a rationale.

Never mind that Shiites are in power in Iran and never mind that Shiites and Sunnis don’t get along. According to Hersh’s article, the Bush regime was supporting the very forces that it was claiming were killing US personnel in Iraq. By the logic of their campaign to justify an attack on Iran, the White House itself was therefore contributing directly to the deaths of American GI’s. By their own reasoning then, the White House should have bombed itself as enemies of America.

So Sy Hersh, our most credible and famous investigative journalist, the man who broke the story about the My Lai Massacre in Vietnam, shows the Bush regime’s arguments to be bald faced lies. And his story runs in the most prestigious magazine in America.

What happened to the story? Did it spark a hue and cry and calls for heads to roll? No. It hardly gets picked up by any of the rest of the mainstream media. Progressive and left media feature it and give the story the attention it deserves, but that’s it. This would be the equivalent in political news of an item in entertainment news of finding out that Paris Hilton was really a man and the story runs in the LA Times and nobody else does a story about it.

So here are the new rules: whatever the US wants to do in pursuit of empire is fine by the mainstream media and two major political parties with at most a few voices raising relatively minor objections in the face of an incessant patriotic drumbeat of support for such measures, reverberating between right-wing media and corporate media, and between Congressional representatives and senators in a virtual echo chamber.

If, in the pursuit of those ends for empire, the US engages in torture, pre-emptive wars, indefinite detention (including, as Obama said recently, even if you’re acquitted by a criminal trial or by a Military Tribunal, he reserves the right to hold you still), rendition, wholesale murder, the express violation of the rule of law, treating the Congressional branch of government as a rubber stamp rather than a co-equal branch of government, using media as fundamentally a propaganda organ to cynically manipulate public opinion, pre-emptive arrests and the admitted use of agents provocateurs upon protestors (who, by their own illegal acts as undercover officers, can create the pretext for police crackdowns on legal protest, thus giving the government carte blanche to prevent legal protest from happening at all whenever they wish to do so), and declaring peaceful protesters to be “unlawful assemblies” and using police forces and military equipment and tactics heretofore used in war theatres such as what was used at the G20 protests in Philadelphia recently to disperse crowds, then it is all OK.

The war’s unpopularity and its disastrousness contributed to the GOP’s defeat in 2008 (and, in fact, their defeat in 2004 as well). But Obama, being the beneficiary of that unpopularity and winning on a promise that he would undo what Bush had done, hasn’t done what many people thought – or hoped that – he would do. He is, instead, carrying forward these wars and occupations, expanding the war upon Pakistan with drone attacks, and going even further than Bush and Cheney did in negating civil liberties, thereby legitimating the egregious acts launched under Bush.

Because Iraq is not in the news much anymore and because Obama came into office on a superficially “anti-Iraq war” stance, to many Americans the war is almost as if it’s no longer going on. This is much like what has happened to Gitmo. Obama announced the day after taking office that he was closing Gitmo, so a lot of people think that the deed is done or nearly done. This brings me back to a point I made a few minutes ago about the potency of truth.

We live in a time where rhetoric is treated as action (where saying you will or want to do something is regarded as the equivalent of actually doing those things) and lies (even those subsequently revealed very publicly to be lies) are treated as if they were truth. Some people look at this and are discouraged, throwing their hands up. I look at this, and I urge you to do the same, in a different way. I look at this, and while it is maddening, I see an opportunity. In the face of the moral depravity guiding this country’s political leadership and their daily diet of lies passing as truth, there’s an opening. It’s not a large opening.

It’s a small opening because the powers that be have a lot of power and the complacency and ignorance of among all-too many Americans has no peer worldwide. But the very nature of this system as it lurches forward with its designs is that it must try to silence any critics and engage in duplicity and atrocious, illegal, and immoral practices. In so doing, it inevitably provokes more people against it and it leaves itself open to profound and wide-ranging exposure as bankrupt. Window dressing war crimes doesn’t change the grisly fact of those crimes.

As I wrote in my book, Impeach the President: the Case Against Bush and Cheney, back in 2006:

“The powers we must overcome have mountains of money and their hands on the levers of institutional power, including most of the mass media. But we have three things they don’t and can’t have: justice, truth and the majority of people on our side. You can douse a rotting pile of manure with as much perfume as you want, but it’s still going to smell. The gap between what the government and their apologists say they’re doing and what they are actually doing grows wider by the day. They can say that Homeland Security and FEMA are on the job, but New Orleans proves them wrong. They can claim they’re winning the war on terror and the war in Iraq, but everyday the facts belie their claims. They can assure us that they’re protecting our civil liberties and doing everything by the book, but nearly every week brings fresh revelations of their lawbreaking.”

This is still as true today as it was when I wrote it in 2006

Source: Calamity of Iraq’s Orphans & Morality of America by Dennis Loo  Middle East Online


POLITICS-US: JFK Episode Suggests Obama’s Iraq Plan at Risk

WASHINGTON, Nov 27 (IPS) – The decision by President-elect Barack Obama to keep Robert M. Gates on as defence secretary has touched off a debate over whether Obama can pursue his commitment to rapid withdrawal from Iraq even though Gates has defended George W. Bush’s surge policy and opposed Obama’s 16-month timetable for withdrawal.

Obama did not explicitly address Iraq at a press conference Wednesday, saying only that he would “provide a vision” on foreign policy and “make sure that my team is implementing” it. The appointments, which will be formally announced Monday, are expected to include Gates and Gen. James Jones as national security advisor, who has also been critical of Obama’s withdrawal timetable.

But the one historical precedent of a president seeking to get an unwilling military to go along with a presidential troop withdrawal plan suggests that Obama will be unable to implement his plan for Iraq without the defence secretary and the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff fully on board.

That is the lesson of President John F. Kennedy’s effort in 1962 and 1963 to get the U.S. military commanders in Vietnam to adopt a plan for withdrawal of U.S. troops from South Vietnam by the end of 1965 — the only other historical case of a president who tried to pursue a timetable for rapid withdrawal of combat troops from a war against the wishes of field commanders.

Obama, like Kennedy, is an extraordinarily self-confident leader, and he may well believe that he can impose his Iraq policy on a national security team that is not sympathetic to it. He reportedly made it clear to CENTCOM commander Gen. David Petraeus in a face-to-face meeting in Baghdad last July that he would not bow to military pressures to alter his plan, based on Iraq-centred concerns.

But the little-known story of Kennedy’s timetable for U.S. withdrawal from South Vietnam underlines the critical importance to a president of having his two top national security officials on board in order to have any chance of prevailing over the resistance of commanders in the field. .

Kennedy was trying to present himself to the national security community as centrist by striking a strong anti-Communist posture in public. But behind the scenes, he was trying to push through a timetable for withdrawal from Vietnam.

Obama also has political interests that will inevitably conflict with putting the full weight of his office behind his withdrawal plan — mainly demonstrating to the national security bureaucracy and the political elite that he is really within the post-Cold War consensus on the use of U.S. military power in the Middle East.

Kennedy had a secretary of defence and a Joint Chiefs chairman who were prepared to cooperate fully with his strategy for withdrawal from Vietnam. Kennedy’s defence secretary, Robert S. McNamara, was fiercely loyal to the president and Maxwell Taylor, then chairman of the JCS, was a close personal friend of both McNamara and Robert F. Kennedy. Kennedy used McNamara and Taylor to press the military to go along with his timetable rather than confronting them directly.

Even though the two top officials in his national security team committed to the 1965 deadline for complete withdrawal, however, military commanders in Vietnam and at the Pacific command in Honolulu refused for many months to adopt the withdrawal plan being urged on them. As early as May 1962, McNamara asked field commanders to come up with a plan for complete withdrawal from Vietnam by late 1965, and suggested the end of 1965 as the conclusion of the process.

McNamara insisted on such a plan in July 1962. But the military’s plan for withdrawal would have left thousands of the troops in the country even in 1967. McNamara said that was too slow and told them to go back to the drawing board.

Nevertheless the Pacific Command and the commander in Saigon continued to drag their feet on the 1965 deadline. Like Petraeus and the top commander in Iraq, Gen. Ray Odierno, in relation to Obama’s plan in 2008, they argued that the proposed rapid timetable for complete withdrawal from Vietnam was too risky.

Kennedy made a strategic political decision in October 1962 to bring in Maxwell Taylor as JCS chairman, in a move decried by the military leadership at the time as White House interference in the normal rotation among the services in that post. As Kennedy expected, Taylor was willing to help McNamara and Kennedy to turn the Joint Chiefs of Staff into an asset on the Vietnam withdrawal timetable.

Kennedy’s next step was to try to get the Joint Chiefs to endorse a plan to withdraw 1,000 troops from Vietnam before the end of 1963. But after months of maneuvering, and despite Taylor’s support for the plan, the Joint Chiefs agreed in August 1963 only to accept an initial withdrawal for planning purposes subject to final JCS approval by Oct. 31, 1963. They were insisting on a “conditions-based” withdrawal, just like the U.S. command in Iraq in 2008.

Frustrated by the military’s resistance, Kennedy sent McNamara and Taylor to Vietnam with the understanding that they would return with a recommendation for the plan for withdrawal by the end of 1965 as well as an initial withdrawal of 1,000 troops. Kennedy then maneuvered to have his entire National Security Council endorse their recommendation on Oct. 3, 1963, despite the fact that key NSC officials, including National Security Adviser McGeorge Bundy, opposed the plan.

Taylor then directed the military command to bring its planning into line with the previous McNamara proposal for withdrawal of all but 680 advisers. But six weeks later, Kennedy was assassinated in Dallas, and within weeks the military began to reverse the commitment to Kennedy’s plan.

Iraq, of course, is not Vietnam. The “Withdrawal Agreement” already signed by the Iraqi government and the Bush administration, and approved by Iraq’s parliament Thursday, has put military leaders opposed to Obama’s timetable on the defensive. Obama’s decisive electoral victory based in part on his sharp differentiation between the Bush administration and his own position on withdrawal also strengthens his position.

Kennedy had relied heavily on his defence secretary and the JCS chairman in large part because he was not ready to campaign publicly for his timetable. If Obama is ready to go to Iraq to confront field commanders on the issue, he could still prevail.

But unless Obama acts to replace Adm. Mike Mullen as chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff with a more supportive senior military officer after his first term ends next September, he will not have support from either of his top two national security officials on his Iraq withdrawal plan. If his national security choices are any indication, Obama, unlike Kennedy in 1962, is reluctant to risk good relations with the military leadership by making such a change.

And if he becomes too distracted by his primary concern — the U.S. economy — or is reluctant to have a confrontation with his national security team over the issue, Odierno and Petraeus are likely to drag their heels just as U.S. commanders stonewalled Kennedy over Vietnam.

Then the cost of allowing opponents of his policy to exercise day-to-day control over this pivotal foreign policy issue will soon become apparent.

*Gareth Porter is an investigative historian and journalist specialising in U.S. national security policy. The paperback edition of his latest book, “Perils of Dominance: Imbalance of Power and the Road to War in Vietnam”, was published in 2006.

POLITICS-US: JFK Episode Suggests Obama’s Iraq Plan at Risk


It Became Necessary To Destroy The Town To Save It

A U.S. army soldier from Fox Troop, Sabre Squadron, 3rd Armored Cavalry Regiment, sets a mud hut on fire in a deserted village on the outskirts of Balad Ruz, in Diyala province, some 75 kilometers ( 46.6 miles) northeast of Baghdad, Iraq, Sunday, Aug. 10, 2008. Soldiers from Fox Troop burned down a deserted village in the area, in order to deny safe haven to possible terrorists in their area of operation.

Source: AP

One of the most famous quotes of the Vietnam War was a statement attributed to U.S. Air Force Major Chester I. Brown by AP correspondent Peter Arnett. Writing about the provincial capital, Ben Tre, on February 7, 1968, Arnett said: “‘it became necessary to destroy the town to save it,’ a U.S. major says.” To this day, “Ben Tre logic” is a common saying for whenever a “logical” conclusion is to destroy something out of the perceived best interests of everyone involved. Papa Bravo Romeo – U. S. Navy Patrol Boats at War in Vietnam, by Wynn Goldsmith (pages 184 to 186) attributes the quote to USAF Major Chet Brown.

Source: Ben Tre From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Balad Roz — Diyala, Irak, August 9th -10th 2008:

I have pasted unaltered above and into the photos below, the captions supplied by AP to accompany the photos by Marko Drobnjakovic. There’s a telling little line in three them (emphasis added by me):

Soldiers from Fox Troop burned down a deserted village in the area, in order to deny safe haven to possible terrorists in their area of operation.

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خبير أميركي يسأل: من سيترك العراق أولاً المالكي أم الأميركان؟ ويتوقع انقلاباً ترعاه واشنطن كما حدث في فييتنام

بشكل صريح يكشف خبير أميركي في الشؤون السياسية عن التهديد بسيناريو لا ينهي حكومة (المالكي) بل الأحزاب الرئيسة التي يقود سلطتها، عبر انقلاب شبيه بآخر رعته واشنطن في فييتنام الجنوبية زمن الحرب ضد فييتنام الشمالية. ويطرح السيناريو أيضا تخوفات من أن لا تكون مطالبة (المالكي) بجدولة الانسحاب مرتبطة بمناخ الانتخابات، ويعني هذا أن إصراره على إنهاء الوجود الأميركي واستقلال البلاد وسيادتها، سيحوله الى بطل وطني يمكن أن تلتف حوله قوى كثيرة. لكن المراهنة الأميركية طبقاً للسيناريو، تركز على (كل العناصر الفاسدة والمتورطة سواء أكانت عسكرية أم مدنية) للتحرك ضد الإرادة الوطنية العراقية. ويرى الخبير أن قائمة مطالب واشنطن في اتفاقية (صوفا) لن يتم التنازل عنها في كل الأحوال وقبل الانتخابات الأميركية في شهر نوفمبر-تشرين الثاني.

ويهاجم الخبير الأميركي رئيس الوزراء العراقي، ويصف وزارته بأنها (حكومة المنطقة الخضراء) ملمحاً الى أن واشنطن ستفرض بشكل ما كل الطلبات التي ضمنتها في قائمة (اتفاقية صوفا) بينها وبين بغداد. ويقول إذا كان أحد يظن غير ذلك، فإنه لا يفهم شيئاً في طبائع السياسة الأميركية. ويحمل الخبير بشدة على وزير الخارجية (هوشيار زيباري) متهماً إياه بأنه جزء من المعارضة العراقية السابقة التي كانت تديرها وكالة المخابرات الأميركية CIA قبل غزو العراق، ويقول إنه لا يمكن أن يستمر في منصبه إذا ما غادرت القوات الأميركية العراق.

coup_history_repeating_itself_arabic_2

ويرى الخبير السياسي (رون جاكوبز) في تقرير نشرته شبكة كاونتربنج إن (نوري المالكي) رئيس وزراء العراق و ((رجل أميركا في بغداد)) حسب تعبيره، أثار ضجيجاً بشأن الحاجة العراقية الملحة لوضع جدولة نهائية لخروج قوات الاحتلال الأميركي من العراق. ويقول إن المرء ليتساءل فيما إذا كان (المالكي) مخلصاً أو صادقاً في طلبه هذا، أم أنه يتهيأ بالتصويت ضد الاحتلال لانتخابات المحافظات الوشيكة في العراق. إن الكثيرين –في اعتقاد الخبير السياسي- مثل (باراك أوباما) يجتذبون الناخبين بالتصويت ضد الحرب، ولكنه حالما حصل على أصوات مهمة تقربه من هدفه في الصراع على رئاسة البيت الأبيض تراجع عن تصريحاته السابقة بالانسحاب الفوري. وبالنسبة لـ (المالكي) إن كان –كما يقول جاكوبز- مخلصاً، ويطالب الولايات المتحدة حقاً في إزالة قواتها من العراق ضمن وقت محدد، فإن السؤال الذي يثار: إلى متى سيبقى (المالكي) في منصبه رئيساً للوزراء؟!.

ويضيف الخبير الأميركي قوله: طبقاً للتقارير الصحفية، فإنّ كل التصريحات التي نطق بها مؤخراً رئيس وزراء المنطقة الخضراء –يشير جاكوبز بذلك الى أن المالكي مدعوم أميركياً- قد رفضت من قبل بعض المسؤولين في الولايات المتحدة. وهؤلاء المسؤولون فهموا طلبات جدولة مواعيد سحب القوات على أنها فقط جزءٌ آخر من المفاوضات التي تتعلق باتفاقية وضع القوات (SOFA) والتي يتوقع البيت الأبيض والبنتاغون الانتهاء منها قبل أن يلف الغروب نظام (بوش-تشيني). ويزعم (جاكوبز) أن الكثيرين في العراق يرغبون في بقاء القوات الأميركية في العراق الى وقت غير محدد.

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